The Northern Question and the Way Forward for Change
Presentation at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy,
Harvard Kennedy School
by Yasir Arman, Secretary General, Sudan Peoples’ Liberation
Movement North (SPLM-N)
Secretary of External Affairs, Sudan Revolutionary Front
(SRF)
April 20-21, 2012
What is the Northern Question? What is the Sudan Question?
• Sudan
is often perceived in terms of dichotomies of North-South, Muslim-Christian,
Arabs-Africans; these are oversimplification of the Sudanese question. After
the independence of the Republic of South Sudan, the North could now be seen as
an entity of its own. It should be seen
as the Sudan question.
• The
Northern question is a crisis emanating from the lack of an inclusive national
project of nation-building and a correct national formation process based on
the objective realities of Sudan and on the historical and contemporary
diversities; building a society for all regardless of ethnic, religious and
gender background; and based on democracy, social justice and a balanced
relation between the centre and the peripheries. That is what we define as the New Sudan.
• The
present national project is based on limited parameters that marginalize and
exclude the majority of the Sudanese people on cultural, religious, economic,
political and gender basis.
• Marginalization
and dictatorship produces continuous wars and instability.
• The
mis-management, non-recognition of diversities, lack of democracy and social
justice lead the people of South Sudan to choose an independence state.
• A
new political and geographical South has emerged in the North: it is obvious
that Sudan will not remain without a new geographical South after the old
traditional South has gone.
• It
is equally obvious that the old South was not a geography- it has a human
dimension in the first place, it was the long struggle for recognition of
diversity, democracy and social justice, that continues in the new South of the
Northern Sudan.
• It
is worth mentioning that the new South of the North politically includes women,
Arab tribes and non-Arab tribes all over Sudan (Rizeigat, Messeriya and
Rashaida in Eastern Sudan, and many others are part of the new South), again it
includes the marginalized of the rural areas and the urban poor who are the
majority.
• The
policies and decisions of the ruling National Congress Party created a
full-scale war in the new geographical South of Northern Sudan, from Darfur to
Blue Nile. In addition, the relationship
between Sudan and the newly-independent Republic of South Sudan is a sour one
loaded with a lot of unfinished business.
• You
can only have two viable states and strategic relations between Sudan and the
Republic of South Sudan when Khartoum is transformed and the two states share
the same values. Democratic states
rarely fight against each other. Having
good relations between Juba and Khartoum under the rule of war criminals is
like having good relations between France and Germany under the rule of Hitler.
• As
a result of intransigence of the National Congress leadership to maintain the
old policies that led to the split of the South, as they were based on
hegemony, limited parameters and a bankrupt ideology- that does not recognize
the diversity of Sudan as stated in General Bashir’s speeches - like the famous
Gaddaref speech and many others that followed the independence of the
South. General Bashir laid the
foundation in order for him to start the war in South Kordofan and Blue Nile
states.
• Based
on the above policies the National Congress targeted the SPLM-N, which is
viewed by them as a formidable immanent political and military threat. As a
consequence, they started the war in South Kordofan, Nuba Mountains and Blue
Nile that resulted in the displacement of more than 400,000 civilians and
others who crossed the borders as refugees in the Republic of South Sudan and
Ethiopia.
• All
this came at the time when the Darfur crisis has not been resolved and the
partial solutions in Abuja and Doha did not address the root causes of the
problem. The same perpetrators are the
ones in charge and the piecemeal solution was based on impunity. This situation necessitated that the SPLM-N
and the Sudanese liberation movements, emanating from Darfur, came together as
the Sudan Revolutionary Front, forming a democratic coalition that is starting
to attract and mobilize the Sudanese opposition forces all over Sudan for
regime change.
• Given
the historical experience of past popular uprisings and armed struggles, the
fundamental change in Sudan can only be achieved when Khartoum is
transformed. It is Khartoum’s policies
that excluded and marginalized the majority of Sudanese people and it is
Khartoum too that fought Southern Sudan, Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile, Eastern
Sudan and Darfur. The permanent solution
can only be achieved by transforming the center where wrong policies emanate,
not the periphery. The present Sudan
society, its history goes to six to eight thousand years ago and that carries a
continuing historical diversity and the contemporary, present Republic of
Sudan, after the independence of the South, it consists of more than four
hundred different tribes and more than sixty different languages. To address the historical and contemporary
diversity, Sudan needs a new social, political, economic and cultural
dispensation that is based on citizenship, democracy and social justice and
separation of religion from state.
• Any
fundamental change and a just and permanent peace would require a holistic
approach that will be a departure from a piecemeal approach. As of now, General Bashir signed around 43
peace agreements and dishonored all of them totally or partially and denied any
opportunity to transform the center.
• The
interesting situation is that Bashir and some of his colleagues are wanted by
the international justice and that practically means that the international
community is for regime change. But at
the same time, the practice by the international community has been to denounce
any call for a regime change.
• The
other paradox is that while President Bashir has been indicted as a war
criminal, the international community continues to recognize and deal with him
and his regime; and at the same time, they shy away from dealing with the
representatives of the victims as in the case of the Sudan Revolutionary
Front. It is high time for the
international bodies to recognize and to deal with those who have been
victimized and their legitimate representatives.
• It
is evidently clear that any approach in a peaceful solution for it to achieve a
permanent peace, it would require a popular process that would involve the
people, not compromises between job seekers and a settlement that would only
address the interests of the elites.
Whether it is a constitutional process or peace agreement, it must
include all political parties.
• The
SPLM-N suggests an interim or transitional period that would be tasked to hold
a constitutional conference for all political forces and civil societies in
Sudan to answer the historical question which remains unanswered since the
independence of Sudan in 1956, “how Sudan is going to be ruled?” before “who is
going to rule Sudan.”
The Characteristics of the
Present Situation in Sudan
• As
a result of the policies of the NCP government of scorched earth, massive
starvation and denying access for humanitarian intervention, hundreds of
thousands are internally displaced and refugees particularly from the Nuba
Mountains, Blue Nile and Darfur and many of them are in danger of immediate
death
• The
economy is in a deep crisis and the scope is wide and complex especially after
the decision taken by the Republic of South Sudan to shut down the oil. It will produce more marginalization that
will definitely lead to social unrest and more wars.
• There
is a full-scale war from Darfur to Blue Nile in the new South of the North.
• Last
month, the war started between the Republic of Sudan and the Republic of South
Sudan, which added a huge complexity to the political and economic situation. Serious issues between the two countries
remain unresolved.
• There
are intense rivalries and power struggles within the different groups in the
National Congress and within the Army.
• A
sea of revolutions (Egypt, Libya, Tunisia… etc.) around Sudan that delegitimized
the rule of the one-party system and witnessed the rise of the Islamic movement
especially in Egypt.
• There
is a growing social discontent by demonstrations and strikes by student, women
and youth, famers and workers, and the victims of the dams projects.
The Way Forward for Change
• The
SPLM-N and the Sudan Revolutionary Front, taking into consideration the rich
experience of the struggle of the Sudanese people against the genocidal regime
and the dictatorship of the National Congress, are adopting four means to
change and overthrow the regime. The
means are inter-related and inter-connected and they converge in the daily life
and day-to-day struggle, and they have mutual impact on each other.
(1) Popular
uprising as it has been the case in October 1964 and in April 1985.
(2) The
popular armed struggle that has been waged by the Sudan Revolutionary Front.
(3) Diplomatic
pressures and solidarity with the Sudanese people from the continent and the
international community. As an example,
when the Sudan Peace, Security and Accountability Act initiated by
Representatives Jim McGovern and Frank Wolf in the US Congress is passed, it
will have a clear positive impact in favor of peace, democratization and the
respect of human rights in Sudan.
(4) The
comprehensive peaceful settlement, which can only be achieved as a result of
the continuous pressures on the regime, emanating from the popular uprising forces
and the armed struggle and the diplomatic pressures and solidarity with the
Sudanese people that will lead to the overthrow of the regime or it is
acceptance for a holistic, just, peaceful settlement.
·
To realize
the change of the regime, there is a need to build a credible platform for the
opposition forces. Indeed, it is the main
task of the Sudan Revolutionary Front that has been engaging itself seriously
working it out in the last six months.
It was a huge step to bring the four organizations together on a
political platform and on the basis of a political declaration, “Kauda
Declaration.” Furthermore, the
involvement of the Umma Party and the DUP in the Sudan Revolutionary Front is
another great step in the same direction and we are engaging the rest of the
political forces and soon we will reach an agreement between all opposition
forces who subscribe to the peaceful civil struggle and the armed struggle
reaching a roadmap toward a permanent just peace and democracy and effecting
the regime change.
·
Out of our historical experience to transform the
center that would require an alliance between the forces of armed struggle from
the rural Sudan and the democratic forces in the urban Sudan. In other words, the unity of purpose and
action of the popular uprising forces and the armed struggle. And it is equally true to mention that the
armed struggle forces has audience and supporters too in urban Sudan.
·
It is worth mentioning that addressing the
economic problems can only be achieved by ending the wars and addressing the
governance crisis. That will require the
involvement of the Sudan Revolutionary Front.
·
Sudan Revolutionary Front is the political
mechanism that will definitely help in realizing a comprehensive settlement and
in avoiding a piecemeal solution. Armed
struggle is not an end by itself. It is
only one of the means to achieve the objectives of democracy and just peace as
mentioned above; therefore, the Sudan Revolutionary Front cannot be judged by
only one of its means. It is a misjudgment
as judging the whole book by only its cover.
Humanitarian Aid
Before Politics: The Priority is to Save Lives Now
·
The complexity of the present situation should
not shift focus from the need for humanitarian intervention, otherwise
thousands of people, and in particular the internal displaced in the Nuba
Mountains and Blue Nile, are facing imminent starvation and death. The need for humanitarian aid should be in
the main agenda in dealing with Sudan government.
·
Humanitarian aid is a right for those in
need. It should not be based on
political conditions. Humanitarian aid
for needy people comes before politics.
·
The SPLM-N leadership is on record with the
international community that whenever the modalities of delivering humanitarian
aid require a cessation of hostilities on humanitarian grounds, the SPLM-N will
fully cooperate.
·
The ongoing consultations between Khartoum and
the international community on humanitarian aid, which has taken 10 months
since war started, is part of the policy to buy time by the National Congress
especially since the rainy season is imminent and will make access for
humanitarian assistance impossible.
Conclusion
·
Change in Sudan shall come as the result of the
conversion of the four means of struggle under a credible umbrella that unites
all opposition forces. In this regard,
the Sudan Revolutionary Front is the cornerstone aiming to bring all forces of
change together.
·
Ending wars and the government crisis in Sudan
and establishing two viable states in the Sudans are inter-related issues. Lessons drawn from the experience that led to
the present crisis and the secession of South Sudan suggests strongly that
realizing a permanent peace and preserving the unity of Sudan cannot be
achieved unless there is a paradigm shift and a fundamental change from the old
Sudan to a new Sudan that is based on democracy, recognition of diversities,
and on social justice.
·
Peaceful settlement will not come in isolation
from all internal and external forms of pressure. The National Congress and the political force
and a dictatorship respond to force and pressure. They do not respond to niceties.
·
Earlier on when the SPLM was negotiating with
the Sudan government under the auspices of the AUHIP and the facilitations of the
Ethiopian Prime Minister and the American Special Envoy, the SPLM-N, despite
Khartoum has dishonored the framework agreement of June 2011, the SPLM-N
submitted a roadmap to peace that was based on the holistic approach and an
interim period that would lead to a national constitutional conference. As of now and after the formation of the Sudan
Revolutionary Front, the SRF did discuss a roadmap for a peaceful settlement
and a committee is working it out, and it shall be approved in the next first
meeting as well as efforts being made with other opposition forces to arrive at
a joint agenda for peace and democracy.
·
The Sudan Revolutionary Front and other
political forces and civil societies are working to ensure that change will not
lead to anarchy, but it can only lead to democracy and a stable Sudan. We do not want to replace victims with
victims or to reproduce the present crisis.
·
Being an advocate of the unity of the African
continent in this stormy world of today, it goes without saying that we still
believe in the unity of the Sudans, the unity of two independent states. Who would have thought yesterday that after
the Second World War that France and Germany would be strong allies in Europe
today?
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